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What is the state of Australian banking today, and how is it changing? • How should the opportunities and to insert themselves into the relationship between banks and .. Australian banks vs European, US and Canadian banks. (OPEX Per. Australia–Canada relations are the relations between the two commonwealth realms of Australia and Canada, both former Dominions of the British Empire, with. Banking. International Private Banking · RBC Royal Bank, Caribbean · RBTT Financial Group Royal Bank of Canada Website, ©
The Prime Minister is the leader of the party with the largest number of seats in the House of Commons. The legislative branch is the law-making branch which is made up of the House of Commons and the appointed Senate. The House of Commons has members, but will increase to members at the next election scheduled for October General elections are held every four years.
The Senate has senators appointed on a regional basis to review proposed legislation and to provide a forum for debate. Senators are appointed by the Governor General, on the advice of the Prime Minister. The judicial branch is a series of independent courts that interpret the laws passed by the other two branches. Foreign Policy Canada's major foreign policy focus is its relationship with the US, which has complex economic, political and cultural dimensions. It deployed combat forces in Afghanistan from to and military trainers to support reconstruction and development until Canada, Australia and New Zealand have a history of working together in the United Nations UN on issues ranging from security to development to human rights, including through an informal grouping known as CANZ.
Canada, like Australia, is an active member of the Commonwealth. Canada worked closely with Australia during Australia's chairmanship to revitalise the organisation, including through the conclusion of the Charter of the Commonwealth and implementation of recommendations of the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group. As export-oriented economies with strong interests in agriculture and resources, Australia and Canada have a common interest in a rules-based, open and non-discriminatory world trade system.
When in force, the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement will significantly improve the trading environment, creating opportunities for both goods and services. Canada and Australia have mutual interests in open markets which have seen us cooperation in a range of forums advocating freer trade, such as in APEC and in the Cairns Group in the WTO. Australia and Canada, together with 10 other countries signed the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement on 4 February Member countries are now working to complete their respective domestic processes to enable the agreement to enter into force.
Bilateral relations The Australia-Canada relationship is mature, highly productive and broadly based.
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People to people contacts between our parliaments, government officials, private sectors, academics and communities are extensive and wide-ranging. We are both federal, large, geographically dispersed countries, with Westminster systems of government and a similar standard of living. Diplomatic relations began formally in when, on the eve of the Second World War, Australia and Canada first agreed to exchange High Commissioners.
They have cooperated on peacekeeping operations, including Canada's contribution of over troops to the Australian-led mission in Timor-Leste East Timor in Australia and Canada were among the first countries to join the global coalition against terrorism, and both countries committed military and development resources to stabilise and help rebuild Afghanistan and Iraq.
Australia and Canada work closely to counter potential global terrorist threats through technical cooperation, information-sharing, exchanges of personnel and joint training. Today, both countries face comparable public policy challenges in areas such as health, transport, indigenous issues, regional development, and managing the effects of the global economic crisis.
The next meeting will be held in Canada in At any time there are a number of public servants placed in Australian and Canadian ministries on exchange. A comprehensive range of bilateral agreements cover issues such as trade, social security, air services, wildfire management, crisis management and consular services abroad, co-location of our missions overseas, mutual assistance in criminal matters and avoidance of double taxation.
Consular cooperation is important, with Canada and Australia providing consular services to each other's nationals in around 30 countries where the other is not represented. The agreement establishes a formal framework for existing cooperation and identifies areas in which Australia and Canada might collaborate and cooperate closely. Development Cooperation Australia has a close and productive development partnership with Canada. The Partnership Arrangement reaffirms our commitment to work in a harmonised way when delivering programs together, and provides a renewed framework for dialogue and cooperation between the two Departments.
People to people links People to people links are strong and diverse despite geographic distance. A working holiday program allows young people to travel and work for set periods in each other's country.
The only sign of Australian interest in trade with Canada disappeared abruptly when exploratory talks between Larke and the premier of Victoria were suspended pending Australian federation. Still, from the Canadian perspective, there seemed every reason to persevere.
Despite initial financial reverses, the Canadian-Australian Steamship Line managed to establish a regular shipping service. Bilateral trade, though still minuscule, slowly increased as a result. Canadian exports to Australia — principally timber, canned salmon and manufactured farm implements — tripled in value between and Moreover, Canada enjoyed a tidy surplus: Facilitated by regular steamship and cable connections, commerce between the two British dominions seemed certain to expand following the federation of the Australian colonies in January Canada's Liberal prime minister, Sir Wilfrid Laurierwas encouraged by Canadian exporters to take advantage of these developments and appointed a second trade commissioner to Australia in The new trade commissionerD.
Ross, made little progress with the Australians. Most of Australia's exports to Canada were agricultural and so were already admitted free of duty; it had little need for the kind of broad reciprocal trade deal desired by the Laurier government. Instead, Australia suggested that the two countries negotiate an agreement that covered a very limited number of items.
Protectionist sentiment, whose influence on Australian policy was magnified by a series of unstable minority governments, further complicated negotiations. These dragged on inconclusively for much of the decade, slowly straining Canada's patience. When Australia failed to respond promptly to a offer to conclude a treaty on the narrow basis it favoured, Ross erupted with exasperation: Few Australians were probably surprised by Laurier's change of heart; many were already convinced that "within a few years Canada [would] either be an independent republic or an integral part of the United States.
Canada's efforts to reconcile these two influences on its national life increasingly led to friction with Australia over the nature of relations within the Empire. The imperial outlook that fostered Canada's interest in Australia also spawned a number of proposals for some form of imperial federation.
Advocates of such schemes pointed out that federation would allow the dominions an opportunity to reconcile their interests with imperial foreign and defence policy. In exchange, they would assume a small share of the financial burden associated with defending the empire. In Australia, particularly after the South African Warthis imperialist vision was embraced with considerable sympathy. Isolated by the vast Pacific Ocean — where German, French and Japanese imperialism seemed to roam unchecked — imperial federation offered Australia an opportunity to ensure that its interests were kept front and centre when British decision-makers tinkered with the disposition of the empire's naval resources.
Canadians, on the other hand, were disillusioned by the Boer War and were increasingly alarmed by the notion of imperial federation. The country's significant French-Canadian minority, profoundly North American in outlook and sceptical of Britain's imperial mission, viewed the imperial connection as a trap whose only purpose was to force the self-governing dominions to assume greater responsibility for imperial defence.
By common consent, the prime ministers of Britain's self-governing dominions skirted this contentious issue at the Colonial Conference. The question, however, could not be avoided indefinitely. Frustrated by his repeated inability to persuade Britain to eject France from its possessions in the New Hebrides, the Australian prime minister, Alfred Deakinarrived in London for the Colonial Conference determined to change the very basis on which the empire was organized.
He proposed that the conference create an Imperial Council that would assume responsibility for the general shape of imperial defence and foreign policy.
A secretariat would carry out agreed policy and facilitate communications between meetings. Aware that closer imperial relations would inflame French Canadian opinion, Laurier charged the Australian with endangering dominion self-government. The debate raged for days, but Laurier, whom Deakin later denounced for his "fifth-rate part in the Conference", defiantly stood his ground. For the moment, this fundamental difference over how the empire might be organized precluded close relations.
Even the election in of a Conservative and imperially minded prime minister, Sir Robert Bordenhad little immediate impact on Canada's wary approach to imperial issues. However, the swirling passions that accompanied the outbreak of the First World War in August swept away many Canadian doubts about the value of the Empire. The country plunged into battle alongside Australia and the other overseas dominions.
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The war revived the debate over imperial organization. This time, Canada and Australia were firmly united in pursuit of identical goals. The war placed dominion governments in an awkward position. Although they remained responsible for the nature of their national contribution to the allied cause, Britain retained complete control over strategy and high policy.
During the initial stages of the conflict, when it was thought that the war would only last a few months, this state of affairs was perfectly acceptable.
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But as the war dragged on and its horrifying scale became apparent, a number of dominion premiers became restive and uneasy. During a visit to London inBorden began to wage a campaign intended to force the British government to keep the dominions more fully informed of the war's progress.
Early the following year, the newly elected Australian prime minister, W. Hughesjoined Borden's crusade. After a brief meeting in Ottawa, the two agreed on a broadly similar set of dominion objectives. Borden and Hughes proved a formidable team. They readily convinced the wily British prime minister, David Lloyd George, of the need to establish formal mechanisms to facilitate consultation between Britain and the dominions.
An Imperial War Conference invited dominion prime ministers to consider the general problem of imperial relations, while an Imperial War Cabinet gave them a direct voice in the conduct of the war. The initial struggle for greater dominion status was successfully concluded in April when the Imperial War Conference recognized "the Dominions as autonomous nations of an Imperial Commonwealth The success enjoyed by Hughes and Borden in demonstrating that British and dominion interests could be accommodated within a single imperial foreign policy, provided a temporary basis for continued Australian-Canadian cooperation.
From the start, however, the postwar relationship was tense. Hughes approached the Paris peace talks determined to enhance Australian security by annexing the former German New Guinea.
Borden was preoccupied with maintaining, as the one positive result of the war, continued Anglo-American cooperation. A breach in the Canadian-Australian relationship over the fate of Germany's Pacific colonies was only narrowly averted when officials devised a compromise[ clarification needed ] that satisfied both Hughes' desire to annex New Guinea and Borden's wish not to alienate an American president[ who?
Borden's successor as prime minister, Arthur Meighenwas not so lucky. There could be no disguising the differences that divided Australia and Canada over the question of renewing the Anglo-Japanese Treaty of In Australian eyes, this mutual defence pact remained the best, and perhaps the only effective, guarantee against Japanese aggression. However, Washington strongly opposed the treaty, which effectively excluded it from a major role in policing the Pacific.
Although Meighen was a staunch imperialist, he could not ignore the fact that renewing the Anglo-Japanese alliance would almost certainly strain Anglo-American relations and force Canada into the untenable position of having to choose between its two major allies.
Given the issues at stake, Meighen and Hughes arrived in London for the Imperial Conferenceeach resolved to have his own way. Hughes opened the conference by defiantly insisting on the treaty's immediate renewal. Over the course of the next few days, the Australian cause was championed by an array of British imperial talent that included Lord Curzonthe Foreign Secretary, and Arthur Balfourthe Lord President of the Council. Undaunted, Meighen charged dramatically ahead.
Canada, he declared, had "a special right to be heard," for, in the event of war between the United States and the Empire, Canada "[would] be the Belgium. The Empire had no choice but to scrap the offending treaty. The Australian prime minister was outraged. He questioned Meighen's interpretation of American opinion; he objected to having imperial policy dictated by Washington; and he scornfully dismissed American naval power. He poured ridicule on Meighen: Something we can grasp?
What is the substantial alternative to the renewal of the Treaty? The answer is none Now let me speak plainly to Mr. Meighen on behalf of Australia If he will look at his own [defence] budget and ours he will see what it means to have a great nation like America as his neighbour, under whose wing the Dominion of Canada can nestle safely I must regard Mr.
Meighen's presentation of the case as not the case for the Empire, but as the case for the United States of America. At the Washington Conference in the Anglo-Japanese Treaty was replaced with the Washington Naval Treatya virtually unenforceable set of multilateral disarmament agreements designed to strengthen Pacific stability.
The treaty compelled the Royal Australian Navy to scuttle their flagship battlecruiser HMAS Australiawhereas the Canadians did not have any capital ships of their own.
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The new arrangement was cold comfort in Australia, where the Canadian victory rankled for a long time to come. Unlike his predecessor Meighen, an imperialist at heart who opposed the Anglo-Japanese Treaty only as a matter of necessity, King shared his mentor's determination to avoid all external entanglements that would weaken the bonds that held together French and English Canada.
During his first years of office he asserted Canada's right to control its own foreign policy to better suit Canada's interests. When it was decided to convene an imperial conference in the spring ofKing resolved to use the occasion to repudiate the whole notion of an imperial foreign policy. The prospect of challenging the British Empire during his first overseas assignment filled the self-effacing prime minister with dread.
No sooner had Lord Curzon introduced the question of imperial foreign policy than the Canadian prime minister rose in his place to declare his government's intention to "pursue a foreign policy of its own. Bruce rejected the idea that each part of the Empire might shape a foreign policy of its own. In these detailed discussions, King and Bruce clashed once again. The Australian's repeated efforts to secure Canadian support for a resolution endorsing Britain's plans for the defence of Singapore and the Suez Canal were turned aside.
By the end of the conference, King's victory was complete. In a final burst of activity, he amended the meeting's concluding resolution on foreign relations to reflect his conviction that imperial conferences were consultative not policy-making bodies. King's success ended the experiment with a common foreign policy and signalled the emergence of the modern Commonwealth. It also added to the growing gulf separating Canada and Australia. King's attitude towards the Empire was incomprehensible to many Australian observers.
Casey, then serving as an Australian liaison officer in London, watched the Canadian prime minister with bewildered fascination: His efforts to make political capital out of his domestic nationalism are analogous to a vandal who pulls down a castle in order to build a cottage. The failure to conclude a commercial treaty had not materially harmed bilateral trade. Indeed, the war provided a tremendous boost to the sale of Canadian forestry products, metal manufactures and auto parts in Australia.
However, access to this market, which became more important as a postwar recession deprived Canada of its American sales, was threatened. InAustralia introduced steep new tariffs on Canadian newsprint at the same time as it announced its readiness to conclude trade treaties with members of the British Empire.
In OctoberMackenzie King's minister of trade and commerce, James Robb, set out for Australia in renewed pursuit of a bilateral trade agreement.
The Australians proved to be tough bargainers. As was the case during earlier rounds of negotiations, there was little incentive for them to conclude a reciprocal trade agreement. Australian officials also resented Mackenzie King's reluctance to seek a broad imperial solution to the postwar slump in trade. In their view, any agreement with Canada would merely assist American subsidiaries operating in the dominion at the expense of companies from Britain.
For over two years, the discussions dragged on before Canadian negotiators were forced to give in to Australian demands in order to preserve the market for British Columbia 's forestry products. In exchange for receiving important concessions on canned salmon, auto parts and paper, Canada reduced its duties on Australian meat and butter and increased the margin of preference enjoyed by Australian dried fruit.
The agreement was soon the source of some controversy. It was strenuously opposed by Canadian farmers, who feared new competition from imported Australian meat and butter.
Canada's conciliatory prime minister fretted about the accord which caused this noisy debate and condemned the minister responsible. Mackenzie King's liberal philosophy was offended by the prospect of raising Canadian tariffs on imports from third countries in order to give Australia an increased margin of preference for dried fruit.
Moreover, these provisions were aimed primarily at the United States just as trade between the two North American countries had begun to recover.
The prime minister gave the accord only lukewarm support, and no sooner had the agreement been approved than he delighted in crippling one of its main provisions. An Australian program to promote the export of butter was found guilty on a technicality of violating Canada's anti-dumping legislation in early King rejected the Australian prime minister's repeated pleas for understanding and insisted on imposing punitive duties.
When, later in the decade, a slump in international trade began to pinch at Canadian exports to the United States, F. McDougall, a close advisor to the Australian prime minister, gleefully waited for depression "to drive Mackenzie King into a much more helpful attitude towards Empire economic cooperation. Within a year, depression had indeed arrived, and Canadian voters had dismissed Mackenzie King. From the opposition benches, he watched the new, Conservative prime minister, R.
Bennettembrace suggestions for an imperial trade bloc. Enthusiasm for imperial preferences surged through the Imperial Conference and, before the formal discussions had ended, Canada and Australia had agreed to seek a closer trading arrangement. Negotiations were speedy and painless. On his way home from London, the Australian minister for markets and transport, Parker John Maloneystopped in Ottawa to explore the new agreement's main features.
He and Bennett agreed that it would rest on two principles: In return, Canada extended to Australia the benefits of its own British preferential tariff and increased the margins of preference enjoyed by Australian raisins and currants. The agreement's impact on bilateral trade was dramatic but one-sided. Between andCanadian exports to Australia almost tripled, and Canada's share of the Australian market jumped from 2. Not surprisingly, Canada opened a second trade commissioner's office in Australia in Australian trade did not fare nearly so well under the new agreement.
Some important Australian exports, including butter, meat and canned fruit, actually declined during this period. Australia pressed Ottawa to extend the agreement but met with little success. Australia's discontent with Canadian trade policy increased sharply when Mackenzie King was re-elected in The depression had strengthened Mackenzie King's traditional opposition to imperial preferences, and he was anxious to seek freer trade with the United States.
The Canada-United States trade agreementwhich diminished the value of Australia's preference on dried fruit, was hardly calculated to endear Canada to Australian policy-makers, whose devotion to imperial preferences remained undiminished. In the spring ofCanada paid the price for its poor reputation in Canberra when Australia unveiled its new "trade diversion policy". In an ill-fated effort to secure its markets in Britain and to balance its trade with the United States, Australia proposed drastically limiting its imports.
Worried that Canada might become an alternate source for restricted American products, Australia included Canada in its program. Neither the ravaging depression nor German or Japanese aggression in the late s could unite the two countries after years of division. Canada suggested that the two countries exchange high commissioners in order to encourage a closer "exchange of views".
These proposals were rejected as "inopportune". Australia was against exploring new forms of representation which would limit British control in the Empire, while Canada scoffed at such a Colonial view. This was certainly not an unfair caricature of Canadian policy. Mackenzie King, aware of the strain that depression and the threat of war placed on national unity, studiously avoided international commitments.
Canada's fate, he insisted, would be decided by Parliament alone. The Canadian attitude was unsettling and seemed to indicate that Canada no longer shared Australia's interest in co-operating with the British Commonwealth, a suspicion which seemed confirmed by the meagre results of the Imperial Conference. On the eve of war, Mackenzie King stood fast against Australia and its prime minister's efforts to secure a final declaration of imperial solidarity.
A united Canada hurried to join Australia at Britain's side. The war heralded a new era in Canadian-Australian relations and gave the partnership an increasingly important political character.
This transformation began smoothly. In the first days of the war, Canada renewed its suggestion that the two countries exchange high commissioners and Australia readily approved of a step that now appeared to affirm imperial unity. A businessman and former minister of defence, Sir William Glasgowwas quickly sent to Ottawa to head the new mission. At the same time, the Australian and Canadian high commissioners in London, Stanley Melbourne Bruce and Vincent Massey respectively, took the lead in organizing support for the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan, the centrepiece of Canada's early war effort.
This gesture of Commonwealth solidarity, under which some 9, Australian airmen trained in Canada, did not go unappreciated. Burchell's optimism was premature. Japan's entry into the war in December created widespread fear in Australia that the country might be overrun.
Canada's apparent lack of interest in the Pacific War drew considerable criticism in the Australian press. Misled by Burchell's inexperienced successor, Major-General Victor Odluminto believing that Canada was ready to assist Australia with men and munitions, the Australian Minister of External AffairsHerbert Evattsubmitted an anxious request for help. Constrained by its war effort in Europe, Ottawa was unable to respond positively.
Undeterred, the minister renewed his plea during a brief visit to Ottawa in April Again, despite some initially favourable indications, Canada could not meet the Australian request. Canadian assistance, when it was finally offered as part of Canada's multilateral Mutual Aid program in Maydid little to improve Australia's view of its Commonwealth colleague.
Ottawa insisted that Australia agree to reduce its tariffs and trade barriers at the end of the war before it would actually send any aid.