“___we meet again” – Universal Crossword Answers
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It is the first attempt to meet a need, reported by educator members of the committee, for up-to-date teaching materials explaining how newspapers are covering important, complex news situations. The student or teacher who searches here for definitive rules will, we hope, be disappointed.
In no sense is this pamphlet a textbook. Our purpose is to provoke discussion of specific reporting and editing problems and debate on the validity of the solutions which we found. One other qualification should be made clear: Our subject is riot reporting, not the coverage of racial problems. The two areas should not be confused. It is impossible to introduce this pamphlet without acknowledging its only contributors: The men and women of our newspaper.
At a time when the truth seemed to be either black or white, they worked round-the-clock in the midst of chaos to publish the truth as it really was: Several shades of gray. The newspapers which they produced are their finest tribute. The editor of any metropolitan newspaper knows that he must face the possibility of a racial outbreak in his city. Editorial confidence in the positive condition of his city's race relations should not sidetrack advance plans by a newspaper for covering a riot.
Detroit considered its relations with the Negro community among the best in the nation. Yet for eight days in July,the city was torn by the most tragic race riot in the nation's history.
The real question is: If a city has an official plan to contain or to put down a riot, it is obviously important to be familiar with that plan. In Detroit the police department had an extensive riot control plan. Key editorial staffers and editors had been briefed on the plan only to learn when the actual riot was underway that most of the plan had to be scrapped because it wasn't working.
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The police were following the script as outlined in the plan but the rioters weren't. Knowing in advance just exactly how much latitude and freedom reporters will have in covering the riot is vital. A newspaper should insist that all law enforcement agencies make their men aware of the fact that newsmen will be working throughout the riot area, at their own risk, of course.
A newspaper should make arrangements in advance with the law enforcement agencies to determine what kind of press credentials will be acceptable in riot areas and what kind of vehicle markings should be used on press cars.
A newspaper should also insist on a central press information center staffed by informed people with access to all reports from every agency involved in the riot. In Detroit, on the second day of the riot, press contact with city and state officials broke down completely.
People who had the authority to speak for the city were unreachable and persons who were available were not familiar with the current, situation or had no authority to comment. So for several hours all media had to rely on what their reporters at the City-County Building and police headquarters picked up from unofficial sources and what the reporters on the street were able to see.
Curfews and closings sometimes catch newspapers unprepared in riot situations. Detroit, for example, had to send to its sister newspaper in Akron, Ohio, miles away, for 35 millimeter film. Gasoline can be tough to come by. A pre-riot inventory of items that might be in short supply in a riot situation would be helpful.
It is virtually impossible to make detailed plans for riot coverage in advance of the riot. This is principally because a riot is like a war without rules. There are no good guys or bad guys. Almost anyone is liable to shoot almost anyone else; anybody's house or business can be burned; anyone's store can be looted. There are no boundaries, only a vast no-man's land controlled - if it is controlled at all - by whims and accidents.
Only the basics can be pre-planned for a riot. The riot itself, once it starts, will determine the direction and scope of the rest of your planning. It's at this point that you'll find out how insufficient was the little bit of planning you were able to do in advance. Wayne King walked into the newsroom at precisely 9 a. Unless there's a strong enterprise piece that didn't make the Sunday paper, where will I get a lead story to top the local budget?
The city desk phone was buzzing. Red Griffith, on duty at the police beat since 8: There'd been a disturbance and some violence during a raid on an after-hours drinking spot at 12th and Clairmount. Police reports were sketchy, but Damon Keith, co-chairman of the state civil rights commission, said the situation was under control and was advising all media to be calm and as quiet as possible about what had happened.
Blind pig raids, prostitution arrests, stabbings, clashes with mobs weren't exactly unusual around 12th, the action street in the heart of Detroit's most densely populated ghetto. It compressed all of the social and economic problems of urban America into a teeming artery packed with bars, pawn shops, store-front churches, streetwalkers, pushers, pimps, Murphy men, easy-credit and high-interest grocers and furniture dealers - and blind pigs. King sent reporter Bill Serrin and photographer Ira Rosenberg to 12th and Clairmount to reconstruct the incident that police officials were being mysteriously tight-lipped about.
He said he had been told privately by individual policemen that the incident was decidedly not under control, was in fact spreading. But the official line still insisted that order had been restored. Serrin called from a store on 12th. King called veteran rewriteman Jim Dewey at home, told him to rush to the office because it looked like we had a big one on our hands.
“___we meet again”
Next King called photo, told them to send every available man to the 12th Street area, and began calling in extra manpower from home. Copy boys took lists of city desk staffers and made similar calls for extra manpower. Griff, despite the obstacles of Keith's newsblackout that limited radio and TV to low-key one-liners about the disturbance, was ferreting out more information from his seemingly unending stream of police news sources. From him, and from the staffers who rushedinto the 12th Street area, scraps of detail filtered in to Dewey and King.
He said he was at Ford Hospital where Serrin, bleeding badly, was being treated for a head wound from a flying bottle. By now we had enough information to start writing first edition sidebars: A step-by-step story of the blind pig raid that started the trouble; a rundown of the boundaries of the areas in which arson, looting and violence were taking place; a report on the vain efforts of Negro leaders and city officials to restore peace, etc.
Tom DeLisle, youngest and newest reporter on the staff, was about to write a story on areas of worst damage. He toyed with his lead, then asked King: The editorial hierarchy was assembling and took up the question.
First, we arbitrarily assigned two conditions to use of the word "riot": The situation must involve large numbers of people. Webster requires "three or more" but we felt the number must be greater. Our situation satisfied that condition.
The situation must be sustained and out of control.
ᐅ " MEET AGAIN!" – 2 Answers | Crossword Puzzle Solver
It would be nightfall, we feared, before we could judge this condition. We decided to weigh the official information against reports from our men in the field, and decide at the last minute. The morning paper time cycle saved us. We could delay our decision until 4: We decided to add four pages to the Metro edition and plan for a major catastrophe. Even so, the language in some of the first day's stories reflected the basic caution of the earlier hours, the effort to avoid sounding inflammatory or unnecessarily panicky.
The word "riot" appeared only three times on Page One in our final edition. Dewey's last chaser on the main story artfully avoided broad, general terms and nailed down the specifics: Three looters were wounded early Monday, one fatally. Caution and attention to the specifics were evident in the handling of headlines, too. The word "riot" appeared only once in Page One heads - in the third line of the read-out on the main story. Earlier editions shunned the word completely in heads.
By the Metro, it was used several times in break heads and on the extra four pages devoted entirely to riot stories and pictures. We decided against going up from our standard pt. At the height of the devastation, we used three 8-column lines instead of two. Somehow, it seems to work. Editors and staffers of the Free Press were fully aware that Detroit faced the possibility of a summer riot.
Plans that could be made in advance were made. But these are the routine, formula plans, about 50 per cent of which are dumped because the actual situation doesn't conform to our advance estimates of the action. So when the first bottles were tossed and the first fires began to blaze, the first solid cover age plans were being formulated at the Free Press city desk. The riot started on a Sunday, a day when the news flow is normally light, the staff small. When the Free Press reporters on the street decided that the mob action was bursting into full-scale war, the instinctive reaction of the assistant city editor running the city desk was to get as many people as possible into the office or onto the street and quickly.
This is not necessarily a strategic mistake in staffing because you do accomplish one thing - you insure the immediate availability of the people you will need to cover the riot.
The mistake comes in 1 not keeping every staffer busy on some aspect of the story and 2 not keeping tight control over movement of the staff. There is a tendency during a riot's chaos for staffers to assign themselves or to take it upon themselves to enlarge their assignment to cover an area or a situation the editor does not want them covering at that specific time.
There is also the danger of the city desk losing track of the reporters and photographers on assignment with more than one person making assignments, which is generally the case on a story of this scope and magnitude. All of these things happened at one point or another during the Free Press's coverage of the Detroit riots. We learned that it is absolutely necessary to keep a log at the city desk, with one person in charge of it, to keep track of the movements of the reporters.
All 50 of the Free Press city desk staffers were involved in some aspect of riot coverage. Adding to the confusion in the city room were dozens of out-of-town newsmen, and a large contingent of the foreign press. The log at the city desk kept a running record of the names of the reporters on duty, the time they started regular shifts disappear in this kind of situation and some people would work 20 hours unless somebody ordered them to get some sleep and when they were sent out, with whom and what vehicle.
The log also contained a brief description of the assignment and noted the last time the reporter was in contact with the city desk.
Staffing assignments, made for the duration of the riot, were handed out as soon as enough people had been rounded up to handle them. One person was assigned to handle the what's open-what's closed, what's available-what's not story throughout the riot. In our case, a women's department reporter handled the story, working by telephone and moving the story throughout each day in one and two paragraph takes. Another-reporter was responsible each day for answering the common denominator questions that the majority of readers who were not involved were asking.
What areas of the city are sealed off, what areas open? Are the freeways safe? Should I go to work or stay home? Can I cross the Canadian border into Windsor? One person was assigned to handle the casualty lists. Since duplication in this area is frequent and conflicting statistics are a constant problem, it was vital that the function be handled by a single reporter, responsible for keeping the list current and accurate. Indeed, one of the most fluctuating figures in a large riot is the death figure.
Two reporters were assigned to keep a detailed file on charges of police brutality. The reporters were assigned to take notes on phone calls reporting brutality and get enough information for call-backs. An accurate assessment of brutality incidents takes time and, because of its inflammatory nature which is heightened by the riot situation, must be carefully investigated. Some brutality charges were still being investigated by the Free Press weeks after the riot had ended.
Major figures in the riot story had to be covered constantly. The City-County bureau chief was assigned to the mayor around the clock for the duration of the riot. He covered every move the mayor made, slept only when the mayor slept. The same was true with the reporters assigned to the police commissioner, the governor and the general in charge of all military personnel in the area. The need for detailed and thoughtful planning for each succeeding day's stories was complicated by the fact that the riot had knocked out our regular deadlines and made a shambles of production schedules.
Printers, pressmen, and truck drivers were unable to get to work and it was never known how many would show up the next day. As a result, stories were budgeted in an editorial conference after the last edition had gone in, usually around 3 a. All the stories for the next day were outlined and tentatively assigned to a staffer. The reporter assigned to keep track of the riot dead had to first determine which agency would have the responsibility of determining the number of riot dead in Detroit it was the police homicide bureau and stick with its figure.
This reporter kept the city desk supplied with a current list of riot dead, their ages, addresses, the circumstances of their death and any rulings that had been made on cause of death. N v futile attempt to disperse crowd on the first day.
John Conyers, atop car, made a Who Speaks? It was only hours after the Blind Pig raid at 12th and Clairmount and John Conyers had no way of knowing the nation's worst riot was aborning there.
The Negro congressman went into the heart of his district to appeal for peace. From a car roof he cried, "Cool it! A brick glanced off the car. In that instant it became apparent that, to cover this insurrection, newspapermen must seek out and listen to new spokesmen for Detroit's teeming Negro population.
In days to come, the question of spokesmen would take on even broader importance. First, the Negro community. In Washington, Negro leaders of the poverty war said they were "baffled" when asked to explain the violence in Detroit, generally first of the nation's big cities to collect federal checks for innovative aid-to-the-poor programs. In Detroit, it had become clear that recognized Negro leaders like Conyers, Negro City Councilman Nicholas Hood and labor leader Horace Sheffield no longer spoke for - nor were heard by the rioting blacks.
In weeks following the riot, the new leadership of Detroit's Negro community would emerge more clearly, and the militants would have a strong voice in the New Detroit Committee, charged with designing a master plan for rebuilding and healing the racially-torn city.
The Free Press commissioned its people to seek him out and ask him, "Why? Gene Goltz, Bill Serrin and Saul Friedman tracked down the few admitted snipers and a handful of militants who unabashedly hoped to transform anarchy into organized rebellion. Some judgements about which voices would be heard were difficult: When militant Negro lawyer Milton Henry wired the governor, mayor and media claiming that if his eight-point program was met, he could end the riots, Reporter Susan Holmes was assigned to pin him down: How many people did he represent, how would he end the riots, and when?
The answers were unsatisfactory; Henry's pitch for a forum in the Free Press was turned down. Who spoke for the white community? Most of them locked their doors, some loaded their shotguns or hunting rifles and stored up water against the day when the rioters would poison the water supply at its source. Only the leadership remained to speak for, they hoped, reasonable whites and blacks alike. We wanted someone close to these voices at all times. Politics Writer Tom Shawver virtually lived with Gov.
Staying close to their men, they furnished not only fascinating profiles of powerful, popular political executives in a time of great tragedy, but useful, important background on what went into the fateful decisions of those tense days.
Romney briefing reporters on the second day. Who speaks for law enforcement? In the vital area of riot deaths, the Free Press chose to regard the Detroit Police Homicide Bureau as the official source - reserving the right to investigate its findings independently.
For general information about the fluid riot situation, subject as it was to sudden outbreaks and unexpected calms, we used the Detroit police command posts and the military - both staffed by a beefed-up police beat, working 24 hours a day.
Once the federal troops had moved in, the military PIO section directed by Col. Creel - whose outfit had handled the Santo Domingo uprising - became a superb source of information and assistance. In an uprising as massive and volatile as Detroit's July riot, the accounting problems under newspaper deadlines are enormous. But tradition dictates a certain involvement in the numbers game, and the climate of a riot-torn city forces you to set up special ground rules.
Reporters at police command posts furnished the names and brief circumstances fast. But in putting the stories together, the recurring question was: Thus subsequent investigation determined that a man accidentally shot during a domestic quarrel in an east-side riot area where order had been restored should be removed from the riot death list.
Preliminary police reports, assembled in haste and often based on information from panicky officers, identified most of the dead as ''looters" or "snipers. Inevitably, counting the dead leads to spiking rumors. Detroiters saw pictures of whole sections of the city ablaze; read accounts of police-sniper battles across the expressways; were told of audacious daylight rifle assaults on police command posts. From the ghetto came claims that hundreds had been shot by trigger-happy police and troops and that these deaths were being covered up.
Detroit newspapers sent reporters into the sewer system looking for bodies, and to the morgue to count corpses and verify the circumstances of death. No evidence of more than 43 riot deaths was found; no missing person report that might be a previously-unreported riot death has yet proved out. However, months after the riot, with the responsible voice of the Detroit newspapers silenced by a prolonged strike, some publications were still giving a degree of credence to the rumors of widespread "covered up" slayings.
How much property damage? A possible hedge against inflated damage estimates is to check the tax rolls on destroyed buildings as their locations become known.
This would have been possible in Newark or 3Xtroit tree Press 11 Detroit. Hastily-assembled fire damage lists from official sources are error-prone. Rioters set major fires along a three-mile stretch of Livernois Ave. A burned-out restaurant at Livernois and the Lodge Freeway was listed as one of these riot fires.
A staffer who drives past the place every day to work spotted the listing and pointed out that the restaurant had burned weeks before the rioting began. Again, the question is: What is a riot injury? The fireman who cuts his hand on broken glass while picking up a hose? The looter who stumbles and cuts his head while trying to carry a color TV set up his apartment-house stairway? They appear as digits on the Receiving Hospital admissions tally along with the policeman who was shot battling a sniper and the prostitute who was beaten in a drunken argument on the allbut-deserted downtown streets.
More important than the raw statistic, ''Injured," was the quest for real perspective on the violence. As the official injury toll passedthere were reports of a sniper offensive stretching from the West Side almost to the borders of the posh East Side suburbs of Grosse Pointe. Yet the hospitals treated only a dozen gunshot wounds that day. Negroes complained of widespread police brutality in the treatment of prisoners, yet only 76 of the first 1, persons to be arrested required hospital treatment.
In the labyrinth of emergency jail compounds and assembly line court arraignments, no reliable witnesses could be found to attest that any of these wounded had been victims of brutality. How many were arrested? Old-fashioned, hard-nosed, round-the-clock police beat reporting kept this statistic legitimate through the riot. The Free Press count of "verified arrests" was usually no more than behind the official estimate, and the final official estimate of 3, arrests was relatively accurate: Again, tradition demanded the most proficient record-keeping possible under the circumstances, but the situation demanded greater explanation.
What were the conditions in the makeshift detention centers? Some prisoners spent almost two days in crowded, sweltering buses with only one stale, moldy balogna sandwich. Who were the accidental victims of the web of panic, anarchy, violence and fear? A juvenile court probation officer was held incognito in an overcrowded precinct jail cell for more than 30 hours. What was the quality of justice in Detroit's recorder's court?
Official police estimates were reasonably accurate in terms of number of businesses looted more than 1, in the first four, violent days. But dollar estimates were virtually impossible: On the plush Avenue of Fashion in far Northwest Detroit, the Grinnell's Music Shop lost its entire stock of electric guitars and all its jazz records - but no classical ones.
A youthful looter entered a jewelry store on Grand River Ave. Insurance companies pooled manpower to staff emergency offices set up by the state insurance commission, where useful information for "how to" stories could be found, but no precise dollar information in terms of total value of stolen goods.
What was the cost of the riot- Free Press Business Editor Dave Smith did a depth survey during riot week and on Sunday, July 30, with the ashes still smoldering, could write only a one-word conclusion: The cost of transporting, equipping, feeding and paying 8, National Guardsmen and 4, federal troops to establish peace in the nation's fifth-largest city?
The cost of processing 3, arrested persons through an already jammed court system? The expense of emergency food and shelter for 5, dislocated persons? Early in the riot week, newsmen were agreed that Detroit's was "the worst and costliest riot in the nation's history. But at the height of the action, when the magnitude of a disaster like Detroit's becomes evident, doesn't the numbers game lose significance, weighed against the human drama that is unfolding?
The riots in the big cities have stripped the traditional role of neutral from the newsman. Trying to cover an undeclared, indecisive war in his own backyard, he finds out that he has no friends.
The looters stone him; the police shoot at him, and the National Guard makes life miserable for him as only the National Guard can. His safety on the streets cannot be guaranteed anywhere. If he leaves his office, he is taking a chance. The closer he gets to the action, where he knows he ought to be, the greater are his chances for getting hurt.
In the early hours, a carnival atmosphere prevailed in the riot area. Looting was being carried on without interference by authorities. The only fires were ones set in street-corner trash cans. Nobody was killed, or even hurt badly. The Free Press's Bill Serrin was one of the first reporters at the scene when the riot began. He talked to police who ringed the trouble area and then, the perfect neutral, crossed through the police lines and mixed with the rioters.
He spent most of Sunday mingling with the people in the riot area - the looters, the agitators, the community leaders trying to get people back into their homes. He kept a steady flow of information pouring into the city desk. At some point, the riot's mood changed. Serrin had pushed his luck too far. Part of the mob turned on him. When he sought refuge in a store where he had spent some time earlier in the day, he found the owner had locked up REPORTER Bill Serrin was cut by a flying bottle when rioters turned on him late the first day.
Before he made it to the police lines Serrin had been struck with several rocks, bottles and a large Idaho potato. One of the bottles opened a deep gash in his head. He was the first - and most serious - Free Press casualty in the eight days of rioting.
The safety of the reporter and photographer became part of the consideration on each assignment. Dark blue plastic helmets were made available but many reporters and photographers wouldn't wear them because they felt the helmets might misidentify them as police and draw sniper fire.
Clothing became an issue. Many staffers felt that a coat and tie automatically made them part of the power structure and diminished chances of getting information from the people it was hardest to get it from - the rioters. One staffer, Dave Dolson, found that casual clothing could result in more serious mis-identification.
On assignment at night, Dolson wore a navy blue, long-sleeve turtle-neck wool sweater, dark blue slacks, and sneakers. The guardsmen were convinced that they had nabbed a sniper. Despite his attempts to identify himself, he was ordered to his feet and forced to walk down a darkened street ahead of the guardsmen. He was finally taken to a police station under arrest and released after he convinced officials he was a newsman. The danger posed by frightened, over-anxious and trigger-happy National Guardsmen cannot be overemphasized.
The universal conclusion of reporters who worked in Detroit during the riot was that they would cheerfully take their chances with snipers, who are lousy shots anyway, but were scared silly of guardsmen whose lack of training and discipline was compounded by their access to automatic weapons. Reporters and photographers repeatedly found that the list of things which would panic a guardsman was practically endless. If cars were driven too fast, the occupants must be fleeing; too slow, looting.
Stop too slowly and the reaction is the same. Ways of minimizing guard reaction in the fu ture have been discussed at length. The necessity of having large numbers of reporters working in the riot area itself was reexamined after the riot. It was decided that in many cases reporters were running great risks to get information that could have been obtained from checkpoints or command headquarters. At night, teams seem to be required, not because they can actually defend one another, but because two men in a car simply reduces the chances of a reporter or photographer panicking in a tight situation.
Photographers are especially vulnerable and easily identified because of the photographic equipment they must carry. Every minute they spend with their eye pressed to the viewfinder increases the danger of attack by rioters. Reporters can avoid hot trouble areas and get their news in a pinch from a command post or a checkpoint. Unfortunately, photographers do not have that option.
Several Free Press photographers had narrow escapes. One, Dick Tripp, was knocked to the pavement by a rioter but was rescued by several by-standers. Free Press reporters and photographers, it seemed, spent as much time under their cars as in them.
One team of reporters lay on the ground for nearly an hour while guardsmen fired over their heads at a building they believed to contain snipers. Safety of the reporters and photographers has become an added consideration in riot coverage. Risks can be minimized, but not eliminated. That, of course, is no answer at all but it has been used for more years than most newspapermen want to remember.
The question the lady meant to ask was: How do you decide what's news and what isn't? Obviously, a newspaper covers the riot itself. The logic which argues that some social good is accomplished by withholding or diluting the truth is lost on us. But we don't see it in themelesses. I'm not saying we never have, but I can't remember when we have.
And today's puzzle makes a good argument for opening the 16 floodgates. Think of all the damn 15 stacks we've seen over the years.
Maybe it's not the stack itself that's played out—maybe it's the reservoir of available answers. Actually, I think all long stacks are at least slightly dangerous—they're likely to get you into similar problems with overall fill quality, so maybe my enthusiasm should be slightly qualified. But think of the 16 as a vast reservoir that has yet to be tapped. A precious, non-renewable resource that we can exploit for our immediate gratification. I welcome the New Age of the wide themeless.
I am certain to eat those words in the not-too-distant future, but for now, lead on, young pioneer Steinberg. Even if it ends up not being any better than the wide, there's no reason it should be any worse, and if nothing else, it's different.
All the other 16s are Good to Great, and though you have some predictable wincers in the short crosses quoth the raven, MNEMvermorethe trade-off is more than worth it. Only real downside for me today was how easy this thing was. I got Downs 1 through 4 in quick succession, with no hesitation, and that pretty much blew open the top section.
From there I found it really easy to send out long tentacles into all the sections of the grid. After I sewed up the middle, driving down into the bottom was simply no problem at all: At that point I hadn't even looked at the 16s down below.